Simon Bolivar - Address at
February 15, 1819; at the Second National Congress of Venezuela
"We are not Europeans; we are not Indians; we are but a mixed species of aborigines and Spaniards. Americans by
birth and Europeans by law, we find ourselves engaged in a dual conflict: we are disputing with the natives for
titles of ownership, and at the same time we are struggling to maintain ourselves in the country that gave us birth
against the opposition of the invaders. Thus our position is most extraordinary and complicated. But there is more.
As our role has always been strictly passive and political existence nil, we find that our quest for liberty is now
even more difficult of accomplishment; for we, having been placed in a state lower than slavery, had been robbed
not only of our freedom but also of the right to exercise an active domestic tyranny...
We have been ruled more by deceit than by force, and we have been degraded more by vice than by superstition.
Slavery is the daughter of darkness: an ignorant people is a blind instrument of its own destruction. Ambition and
intrigue abuses the credulity and experience of men lacking all political, economic, and civic knowledge; they
adopt pure illusion as reality; they take license for liberty, treachery for patriotism, and vengeance for justice.
If a people, perverted by their training, succeed in achieving their liberty, they will soon lose it, for it would
be of no avail to endeavor to explain to them that happiness consists in the practice of virtue; that the rule of
law is more powerful than the rule of tyrants, because, as the laws are more inflexible, every one should submit to
their beneficent austerity; that proper morals, and not force, are the bases of law; and that to practice justice
is to practice liberty. Although those people [North Americans], so lacking in many respects, are unique in the
history of mankind, it is a marvel, I repeat, that so weak and complicated a government as the federal system has
managed to govern them in the difficult and trying circumstances of their past.
But, regardless of the effectiveness of this form of government with respect to North America, I must say that
it has never for a moment entered my mind to compare the position and character of two states as dissimilar as the
English-American and the Spanish-American. Would it not be most difficult to apply to Spain the English system of
political, civil, and religious liberty: Hence, it would be even more difficult to adapt to Venezuela the laws of
North America. Nothing in our fundamental laws would have to be altered were we to adopt a legislative power
similar to that held by the British Parliament. Like the North Americans, we have divided national representation
into two chambers: that of Representatives and the Senate. The first is very wisely constituted. It enjoys all its
proper functions, and it requires no essential revision, because the Constitution, in creating it, gave it the form
and powers which the people deemed necessary in order that they might be legally and properly represented. If the
Senate were hereditary rather than elective, it would, in my opinion, be the basis, the tie, the very soul of our
republic. In political storms this body would arrest the thunderbolts of the government and would repel any violent
Devoted to the government because of a natural interest in its own preservation, a hereditary senate would
always oppose any attempt on the part of the people to infringe upon the jurisdiction and authority of their
magistrates... The creation of a hereditary senate would in no way be a violation of political equality. I do not
solicit the establishment of a nobility, for as a celebrated republican has said, that would simultaneously destroy
equality and liberty. What I propose is an office for which the candidates must prepare themselves, an office that
demands great knowledge and the ability to acquire such knowledge. All should not be left to chance and the outcome
of elections. The people are more easily deceived than is Nature perfected by art; and although these senators, it
is true, would not be bred in an environment that is all virtue, it is equally true that they would be raised in an
atmosphere of enlightened education. The hereditary senate will also serve as a counterweight to both government
and people; and as a neutral power it will weaken the mutual attacks of these two eternally rival powers. The
British executive power possesses all the authority properly appertaining to a sovereign, but he is surrounded by a
triple line of dams, barriers, and stockades. He is the head of government, but his ministers and subordinates rely
more upon law than upon his authority, as they are personally responsible; and not even decrees of royal authority
can exempt them from this responsibility.
The executive is commander in chief of the army and navy; he makes peace and declares war; but Parliament
annually determines what sums are to be paid to these military forces. While the courts and judges are dependent on
the executive power, the laws originate in and are made by Parliament. Give Venezuela such an executive power in
the person of a president chosen by the people or their representatives, and you will have taken a great step
toward national happiness. No matter what citizen occupies this office, he will be aided by the Constitution, and
therein being authorized to do good, he can do no harm, because his ministers will cooperate with him only insofar
as he abides by the law. If he attempts to infringe upon the law, his own ministers will desert him, thereby
isolating him from the Republic, and they will even bring charges against him in the Senate. The ministers, being
responsible for any transgressions committed, will actually govern, since they must account for their actions.
A republican magistrate is an individual set apart from society, charged with checking the impulse of the people
toward license and the propensity of judges and administrators toward abuse of the laws. He is directly subject to
the legislative body, the senate, and the people: he is the one man who resists the combined pressure of the
opinions, interests, and passions of the social state and who, as Carnot states, does little more than struggle
constantly with the urge to dominate and the desire to escape domination. This weakness can only be corrected by a
strongly rooted force. It should be strongly proportioned to meet the resistance which the executive must expect
from the legislature, from the judiciary, and from the people of a republic. Unless the executive has easy access
to all the administrative resources, fixed by a just distribution of powers, he inevitably becomes a nonentity or
abuses his authority.
By this I mean that the result will be the death of the government, whose heirs are anarchy, usurpation, and
tyranny... Therefore, let the entire system of government be strengthened, and let the balance of power be drawn up
in such a manner that it will be permanent and incapable of decay because of its own tenuity. Precisely because no
form of government is so weak as the democratic, its framework must be firmer, and its institutions must be studied
to determine their degree of stability...unless this is done, we will have to reckon with an ungovernable,
tumultuous, and anarchic society, not with a social order where happiness, peace, and justice prevail."